Nearly Conservatives backed him and he made his mark as an up-and-coming force to be reckoned with. Cameron put Raab on the most junior government rung in the justice ministry in , but he dropped off when May became prime minister in following the EU referendum. He joined the parliamentary committee scrutinising the work of the Brexit ministry and holding it to account. Keen to freshen up the government with some younger faces, May made him the junior minister for courts and justice in June Akhmetov owns the entire building, which includes a business in the lobby fit for an oligarch: an Aston Martin-Rolls Royce dealership.
Deep in the Malaysian jungle, a sprawling construction site sits abandoned, the relentless monsoon rain taking its toll on the rusting fields of steel girders. Chief among them is the China Communications Construction Company, a state-owned behemoth whose initials are stenciled in black on the cement plant at the abandoned site.
China Communications, which was barred for eight years from doing business on some World Bank projects because of a corruption scandal, played a leading role in building artificial islands in the South China Sea that have raised tensions with the United States.
But the debt turned out to be such a burden that the Sri Lankan government had to give up the port and hand it over for 99 years — to China. So he suspended the railway project in July. Mahathir said in September.
The Last Painting of Sara de Vos ~ Dominic Smith - dovegreyreader scribbles
All the work is hired from China. You can see how one-sided it is. But for McKinsey, it was anything but one-sided. The company represented both parties involved in the deal. In , as China Communications was building the artificial islands and still under World Bank sanctions, McKinsey signed it on as a client, advising it on strategy. Months later, McKinsey won another contract: this one with the Malaysian government, to review the feasibility of the rail line. In a confidential PowerPoint report, McKinsey told Malaysian officials that the rail line could increase economic growth in parts of the country by as much as 1.
It was a figure that the prime minister at the time, Najib Razak, who now has been charged with corruption , liked to cite.
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The feeling was mutual. McKinsey justified the project at a time when Mr. Najib was widely accused of corruption, buffeted by street protests over the disappearance of hundreds of millions of dollars from a state investment fund, and badly in need of cash from an outside lender like China. Mahatir told local reporters that China Communications, which won a no-bid contract for the railroad, may have deliberately overstated the costs in order to help Mr.
Najib and his allies shovel extra money into the investment fund to replenish the missing amounts. Tony Pua, a Malaysian lawmaker and an aide to the finance minister, said the deal was brokered by a hard-partying Malaysian businessman named Jho Low, who is accused of siphoning off hundreds of millions of dollars from the fund and is now believed to be in China, avoiding a Malaysian arrest warrant.
McKinsey says it has no knowledge of any collusion between China and Mr. By the time China Communications won the bid, its work for Malaysia had already finished, the firm said. But the political backdrop — a government facing crippling corruption accusations and the prospect that Mr. Najib might turn to China for funds to cover his tracks — should have been obvious to McKinsey at the time, argued Bridget Welsh, a professor at John Cabot University in Rome who focuses on Malaysian politics.
Welsh said of McKinsey. It was not the first time McKinsey had been drawn into questionable arrangements through its work in China.
The company opened its first office there in , using consultants from the United States and Britain. By the end the decade, McKinsey was on hand to help as Beijing began pushing its moribund state-owned companies to adopt Western-style management, a McKinsey specialty. The firm landed some big clients. Its star pupil was Ping An, an insurance company set up as part of a state-owned shipping company. Always in search of top talent, McKinsey brought on a year-old named Liu Chunhang as a full-time associate in He had just graduated near the top of his class at Harvard Business School, according to school records, and stayed at McKinsey for less than a year.
But in that time, his in-laws took steps that would turn them into billionaires.
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Several months later, Mr. The Wen family and its business associates became secret shareholders of Ping An , having acquired their stakes at low cost in late And as premier, Mr. According to McKinsey, Mr. Liu left the company in July But when Ping An went public the next year, the Wen family amassed a staggering fortune, largely in company stock. McKinsey said that Mr.
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Liu had been hired because he was qualified, not because of his family connections. Partners in the firm have sat in on Communist Party meetings at companies. Barton and Kevin Sneader, were promoted from the region. Sneader now runs the entire company from Hong Kong. McKinsey said it had not worked on the economic planning in Sichuan Province. The idea of smart cities is to make them more manageable by collecting data from sources like cameras.
In an authoritarian state like China, that raises broad concerns. McKinsey is now working with Ping An to put smart cities into practice in the Chinese city of Nanning to monitor financial fraud.
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When Senate investigators wanted to know why Jared Kushner, Mr. It is easy to see how. Kushner met — graduated from the training school of the F. The bank has also come under scrutiny in Congress and by the special counsel investigating possible collusion in the election. In August, VEB hired the consulting firm to develop its business strategy — one of several companies that are under sanctions and that McKinsey advises. Sberbank — a state-controlled bank that is on the sanctions list and that sponsored Mr.
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Document Information click to expand document information Description: A dazzling and mesmerising story that charts the collision course between a rare landscape by a female Dutch painter of the golden age, an inheritor of the work in s Manhattan, and a celebrated art historian who painted a forgery of it in her youth. A literary novel of breathtaking scope, ambition and achievement. A masterly, multilayered story that will dazzle readers.
In this extraordinary novel, The Last Painting of Sara de Vos, US-based Australian writer Dominic Smith brilliantly bridges the historical and the contemporary, tracking a collision course between a rare landscape by a female Dutch painter of the Golden Age, an inheritor of the work in s Manhattan, and a celebrated Australian art historian who painted a forgery of it in her youth.
In , Sara de Vos is admitted as a master painter to the Guild of St. Luke's in Holland, the first woman to be so honoured. Three hundred years later, only one work attributed to de Vos is known to remain—a haunting winter scene, At the Edge of a Wood, which hangs over the Manhattan bed of a wealthy descendant of the original owner. An Australian grad student, Ellie Shipley, struggling to stay afloat in New York, agrees to paint a forgery of the landscape, a decision that will haunt her.